CITY HALL

The city hall is an ancient building type, its origins found at least as far back as the
classical Greek bouleutrion, the assembly chamber of the city-state. In medieval Europe the city hall
took on a number of auxiliary spaces that complemented the council chamber, such as
market halls, office spaces, and social rooms. Some, such as the Palazzo Pubblico in
Siena or the Palazzo Vecchio in Florence, celebrated the corporate identity of the
independent city with soaring towers and instructive works of art. As cities grew in size
and administrative complexity, their city halls grew ever larger and assumed a
prominence in the urban form of their cities that rivaled only the greatest sacred edifices.
By the end of the 19th century, enormous piles, such as Alfred Waterhouse’s Manchester
Town Hall (1867–77) and John McArthur’s Philadelphia City Hall (1871–1901), marked
the seats of municipal authority with complex historical allusions and equally convoluted
silhouettes.
At the beginning of the 20th century, it was unquestioned that a building typology as
representational as a city hall would be expressed in a historical style. In northern Europe
this historicism often meant an investigation of medieval forms, as the type was closely
associated with its medieval antecedents and the National Romantic movement. Martin
Nyrop’s Copenhagen Town Hall (1892–1905) was the most significant example of the
northern European city hall and a primary inspiration for Ragnar Östberg’s Stockholm
City Hall (1911–23), which fused medieval and Renaissance detailing with an extensive
art program. In more southern nations, Renaissance and baroque models were often
emulated. Contemporaneous city halls in the United Kingdom often interpreted the
baroque. A.Brumwell Thomas appropriated Wren’s vocabulary at St. Paul’s to create his
grand but rather literal Belfast City Hall (1897–1906), and John Belcher’s Colchester
City Hall (1897–1902) did much to establish the English “free baroque.” Across the
English Channel, the influential French architect and theorist Victor Laloux built several
city halls modeled on those of the 17th century; his hôtel de ville (1898–1900) at Tours inspired
several interpretations across the Atlantic.
In the United States many cities had built their city halls in the 1880s and 1890s, when
the Richardsonian Romanesque style suited the desirable images of permanence and
monumentality. Later, the civic improvement movement known as the City Beautiful
encouraged many cities to build new city halls as the centerpiece of a multistructure civic
center modeled on the “White City” of the World’s Columbian Exposition of 1893 in
Chicago. The most complete and successful of these efforts was built after the great
earthquake and fire of San Francisco (1906); Bakewell and Brown’s City Hall (1912–16)
dominates the 15-block Civic Center with a 300-foot-high dome sometimes described as
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a Doric fusion of those of Hardouin-Mansart and Michelangelo. The skyscraper as city
hall was first executed across the bay in Oakland, California, where Palmer and
Hornbostel won a competition with a 14-story tower in 1911. The skyscraper idiom
became more common in the 1920s and is best exemplified by Austin, Martin and
Parkinson’s Los Angeles City Hall, a severe classical tower, and G.Lloyd Preacher’s
Gothic skyscraper Atlanta City Hall (1928–30); Art Deco forms dominated the 1930s—
Dietel and Wade and Sullivan Jones’ Buffalo City Hall remains an important American
example of this international movement. In some locales regionally important revival
styles were employed to reinforce the city’s past or to promote an idealized fictive past;
Bakewell and Brown’s Pasadena City Hall (1923–27) was an amalgamation of
Mediterranean sources intended to evoke a Spanish heritage that the community did not
actually possess.
The emergence of the Modern movement in Europe in the 1910s and 1920s was not
often evidenced in city halls, largely because few new city hall projects were initiated
between the wars and because the political nature of the type nearly precluded
experimental form. Several notable exceptions were built. Willem Dudock’s Town Hall
(1924–30) for Hilversum, the Netherlands, is well known. Dudock contrasted several
austere horizontal masses, including a primary volume containing the council chamber,
with a soaring tower. Each mass interlocked with several others and yet remained
distinctly legible, the assembly presenting a balanced composition in repose. Fritz
Höger’s Town Hall (1928–30) for Rüstringen, Germany, exemplified his interest in
dramatic geometric form within the limitations of brick masonry; the ceremonial entry
and council chamber are marked by an enormous 12-story tower, a pure solid broken
only by a series of vertical fins and a clock tower on the primary elevation.
After World War II a large number of city centers in Europe required complete
rebuilding. Naturally enough, in many places city halls were repaired or even
reconstructed in order to preserve a continuity with prewar civic life. Some cities,
particularly in Germany, adapted surviving structures to a new civic purpose, with the
intention to build a representational structure at some time in the future. Most of the
continent’s new city halls were modern in orientation. Perhaps the most famous are those
by Alvar Aalto, whose civic complexes for Säynätsalo (1950–52) and Seinajöki (1952–
66) wove the town hall and auxiliary build-ings into the landscape and demonstrated as
much concern for the space between the buildings as for the buildings themselves. At
Seinajöki the city hall is marked by its axial siting within the civic center and by a
commanding monitor roof through which light pours into the council chamber.
American postwar city halls came in two forms: the unassuming suburban
multipurpose civic building, which usually was designed on a decidedly
domestic scale, and the overscaled, inner-city modernist monument, which
usually served as the centerpiece of a large urban-renewal scheme. The
former conception, city hall as ranch house or colonial farmstead,
successfully served those residential communities that lacked a
commercial center or a long civic tradition. The success of the second
movement, the city hall as civic savior, has proven more troublesome, if
only because so much more was at stake. Perhaps definitive of this latter
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form, Kallmann, McKinnell and Knowles’ Boston City Hall (1963–69)
commands its cleared plaza and the 18th- and early 19th-century harbor
below it like a citadel. Although one can read the jumble of fenestration on
the harbor elevation for a clue as to the location of the mayor’s suite and
the council chambers, much of the public’s interaction with its municipal
government is forced underground into several floors of bureaucratic
offices below grade. This loss of dignified purpose continued into the late
20th century, in which many newer Sunbelt cities constructed city halls
and civic campuses indistinguishable from the suburban business parks and hotel slabs that surround them.
At the end of the 20th century, the city hall regained its significance in architectural
discourse, although not without some concern about the overwhelming scale that the
modern city hall often possesses. Richard Meier’s city halls restored the type to the center
of urban life, but they did so without comment on the local architectural dialect. In The
Hague (1987–95), Meier organized three colossal slabs of office space about an equally
enormous atrium, creating within the city hall a public realm that functions independently
of the often damp Dutch climate. One corner of the complex is punctuated by the
cylindrical mass of the public library, a form that is repeated within the atrium at the
council chamber; both are subordinated to the experience of the atrium, whose precise
detail and sublime scale transport the viewer beyond the day-to-day life of the city.
Scale is again of paramount importance with Kenzo Tange’s City Hall (1989–95) for
Tokyo. This complex, spread over three blocks of the Shinjuku subcenter, is composed of
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two tower groups and an assembly building linked to the towers by skywalks. The
axiality and geometric rigor of the plan recall the Beaux-Arts conceptions of the
beginning of the century, even as the elevations refer to both traditional Japanese postand-
beam construction and modern integrated circuit boards. The orthogonal grids set up
by the office tower blocks are complemented by the radial framework of the assembly
building, whose sweeping hemicycle embraces a fan-shaped court reminiscent of the
Piazza del Campo in Siena. The elliptical assembly hall is situated on axis to this court,
elevated to the seventh floor, and in fact breaks the plane of the hemicycle to announce
its presence. In his design Tange provides both a usable public space and an identifiable
seat of authority (the council chamber) within a comprehensible assembly of office
towers and stratified circulation. This synthesis of Western and native traditions
represents a culmination of the typology in the 20th century and might serve as a worthy
starting point for the city halls of the next.

CITY BEAUTIFUL MOVEMENT

Begun in the United States in the late 19th century, the City Beautiful movement enjoyed
a relatively brief reign, fading into obscurity during the New Deal and the rise of
modernism. City Beautiful architects and planners sought to bring elements of city
planning, architecture, and landscape architecture into a harmonious unity. It aspired to
many of the principles of baroque or neoclassical city design, which had transformed the
medieval cores of European cities such as Rome from the reign of Pope Sixtus V in the
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late 16th century to Paris under the prefecture of Baron Georges Eugene Haussmann in
the mid19th century. Equally embedded in City Beautiful was a celebration of
neoclassical architecture, transplanted to American soil by architects loyal to the aesthetic
principles promoted by the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris.
Although its intellectual seeds were sown by a handful of 19th-century figures, such as
landscape architect Frederick Law Olmsted and city planner Charles Mulford Robinson,
the possibilities of the City Beautiful ideal were most dramatically portrayed at the
World’s Columbian Exposition, opening in Chicago in 1893. With Daniel H.Burnham in
charge of the overall design and construction process, highly regarded architects such as
Van Brunt and Howe; McKim, Mead and White; Peabody and Stearns; Adler and
Sullivan; Burling and Whitehouse; Jenny and Mundie; and Henry Ives Cobb contributed
designs for individual buildings and features. Rendered in a special type of plaster, their
work resulted in magnificent exhibition halls designed in classical Greco-Roman and
Renaissance architectural styles. Olmsted’s landscaping talents infused the site plan of
the fair and included a lagoon, canals, ceremonial plazas, promenades, gardens,
fountains, and statuary. By the fair’s end well over 20 million people had visited and
returned to their home cities and countries around the world with an idealized vision of
the future city. This idealized view characterized the City Beautiful movement wherever
it was pursued, in small town and large city alike.
At its heart City Beautiful was less an aesthetic ideal and more fundamentally a
concept that at that time was largely alien in North America, namely, that cities should
result not from random and cumulative decisions by individual architects and builders but
from a holistically conceived and visually coherent plan that prescribes siting, scale, and
other design principles in a rational and balanced ensemble. A bold idea, to be sure, City
Beautiful arose in the context of the reformist fervor that sought to transform politics,
government, and social policy in the late 19th and early 20th centuries within an orderly
and humanly scaled urban setting combining nature and planning.
Eight years after the exposition’s close, the nation’s capital became the first U.S. city
to seriously pursue City Beautiful principles. As consultants to the McMillan
Commission, Burnham, Olmsted, Charles F.McKim, and Augustus St. Gaudens sought to
restore the essence of Washington’s original 1792 plan as prepared by Pierre Charles
L’Enfant and refined by Andrew Ellicott. The plan resulted in the removal of railroad
tracks, a polluted creek, and several buildings from the Mall. The Mall was relandscaped
in the tradition of French formalism. Building heights and massing were carefully
limited, and structures were sited so as to enclose the Mall in a balanced and harmonious
composition. Although many details have been altered, the 20th-century redevelopment
of the Mall and environs in central Washington has more or less embraced the spirit of
the McMillan Commission plan.
Several other communities followed suit. For example, Virgil G.Bogue’s plan for
Seattle (1911) and Edward H.Bennett’s plans for Minneapolis (1917) and Denver (1917)
also promoted City Beautiful ideals. However, for sheer aspirations and comprehensive
vision of present and future conditions, the 1909 plan of Chicago knew no equal in terms
of boldness and departure from the city’s 19th-century status quo. Written by Burnham
and Bennett, the plan prescribed a great civic center plaza in the downtown, framed by
federal and state buildings and a new city hall; a lakefront park, its symmetrical jetties
embracing a view corridor westward to the civic center; broad boulevards and diagonal
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avenues intersecting at magnificent circles and squares containing obelisks, columns,
fountains, and decorative focal features; and carefully proportioned buildings built to
uniform cornice heights. Today, in the city of skyscrapers and gridded streets, Grant
Park, Wacker Drive, Michigan Avenue, and the city’s associated cultural institutions and
sprawling park system echo the grandiose utterances found in the plan.
Beyond Chicago, fragments of City Beautiful plans appeared in other
cities. Burnham’s modified plan for San Francisco resulted in construction
of a civic center embraced by the domed neoclassical City Hall (1915),
library (1916), courthouse (1926), and other civic and government
edifices. Burnham, John M. Carrère, and Arnold W.Brunner prepared
Cleveland’s Group Plan (1903), which ultimately led to construction of
that city’s civic center, the Mall. Arrayed on its perimeter are a federal building (1910), courthouse (1911), city hall (1916), auditorium (1922), library (1925),
Board of Education building (1930), and county building (1957). Civic center plazas or
malls were added to Indianapolis, Denver, and St. Louis, all in the early 20th century.
Other cities appropriated other City Beautiful conventions. Philadelphia’s Benjamin
Franklin Parkway (1919) is a grand avenue cutting diagonally through the city’s grid
system to visually link City Hall to the Philadelphia Museum of Art. Between them lie a
grand circle and an oval providing open space for landscaping, statuary, and other
decorative features. City Beautiful plans found reality in many state capitals, including
Harrisburg, Pennsylvania; Austin, Texas; and Augusta, Maine. In these cities and others,
carefully organized vistas, elevated public buildings, ceremonial boulevards, formalistic
landscaping, and near uniform building heights bespeak the legacy of Burnham, Bennett,
Olmsted, and others.
An irony of the City Beautiful movement was the fact that it emerged in opposition to
the real American industrial city of the Gilded Age. Embedded in the times was a
struggle among architects, landscape architects, engineers, artists, and civic leaders over
the direction and meaning of the fledgling city-planning profession. Many sought to
emphasize the functional elements of city planning, including efficiency, economy,
safety, and reform of social conditions. Others insisted that the aesthetic and cultural
attributes of European baroque ideals and neoclassical architecture would inspire civic
pride, respect for democratic values, and cultural growth among citizens and visitors to
American cities. With more than a century behind it, the City Beautiful legacy remains in
American history a celebration of order, balance, symmetry, axiality, monumentality, and
restraint.